What Is CCP ‘Elite Capture’?

Concerns about Chinese elites and entities linked to the Chinese Communist Party seeking to influence or “buy out” American elites have persisted for years, often framed as sophisticated elite capture, rather than crude old school blackmail or bribery in most cases.

Through massive lobbying expenditures—outspending any other foreign nation in recent years—Confucius institutes, Sun Zu tactics, United Front operations, academic funding, and business deals, Beijing has courted former U.S. officials, politicians, and business leaders to shape policy favorably toward China, sometimes described as a form of soft corruption involving lucrative board seats, speaking fees, investments, and partnerships that align American interests with Chinese ones.

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High-profile examples include ties between Hunter Biden and CEFC China Energy (a firm with CCP connections), where millions flowed to Biden family members and associates for unclear consulting services amid efforts to expand Chinese energy influence in America, as well as suspected intelligence operative Christine Fang (Fang Fang) building relationships with rising California politicians like Eric Swalwell through fundraising and networking before FBI scrutiny led her to depart. While outright bribery cases involving American elites remain rare and often unproven in court (with investigations like Swalwell’s ending without charges), critics argue these patterns represent a long-term strategy of inducements, co-optation, and economic leverage that erodes U.S. autonomy, contrasting with more chaotic Russian tactics by methodically altering the political and economic climate in China’s favor.

Another example of Chinese elite capture involves Hunter Biden’s business dealings with CEFC China Energy, a company with deep ties to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). In 2017, Hunter Biden, son of then-Vice President Joe Biden, formed a joint venture called SinoHawk Holdings with CEFC executives, including Ye Jianming, who had connections to Chinese military intelligence and the United Front Work Department. According to emails and documents from Hunter’s laptop, verified by forensic analysis, the venture aimed to invest in U.S. infrastructure and energy projects, with Hunter receiving a $10 million consulting fee and equity stakes that could yield millions. A 2017 email from Hunter to CEFC associates demanded payment, referencing “the big guy” (allegedly Joe Biden) receiving a 10% cut, though no direct evidence shows Joe Biden profited. CEFC paid Hunter and his associates over $5 million between 2017 and 2018 for unclear services, amid CEFC’s efforts to expand Chinese influence in U.S. energy sectors. Investigations by the House Oversight Committee revealed laundered funds reaching Biden family members through shell companies, raising concerns of foreign influence peddling.

Another case illustrating CCP-linked espionage and influence operations is Christine Fang, also known as Fang Fang, a suspected Chinese Ministry of State Security operative who infiltrated California political circles from 2011 to 2015. Fang, posing as a student at California State University East Bay, built relationships with emerging politicians, including Congressman Eric Swalwell, by fundraising for his campaigns and placing at least one intern in his office. She attended events with Swalwell and other Bay Area officials like Ro Khanna, leveraging social and financial networks to gather intelligence and foster influence. U.S. counterintelligence officials briefed Swalwell in 2015, leading him to cut ties, but no charges were filed against him. Fang’s activities extended to other politicians, such as a Fremont city council member with whom she had a romantic relationship. This operation exemplifies “honey trap” tactics combined with elite capture, where access and favors create long-term leverage. A House Ethics Committee probe in 2023 cleared Swalwell of wrongdoing, but critics argue the incident highlights vulnerabilities in U.S. political fundraising and vetting processes.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell’s marriage to Elaine Chao, former Transportation Secretary, has drawn scrutiny due to her family’s extensive business ties to China through Foremost Group, a New York-based shipping company founded by her father, James S.C. Chao. Foremost operates a fleet of bulk carriers primarily transporting goods to and from China, with financing from Chinese state-owned banks and contracts with Chinese shipyards. Between 2008 and 2019, the Chao family donated millions to McConnell’s campaigns and related PACs, while Elaine Chao’s tenure at the Department of Transportation coincided with favorable U.S. maritime policies that indirectly benefited Foremost. James Chao’s close friendship with former Chinese President Jiang Zemin, dating back to their university days, adds layers of concern about potential influence. A 2019 New York Times investigation revealed that 72% of Foremost’s cargo tonnage from 2018-2019 involved China, and Chao’s official trips to China included family members linked to the company. While no illegal bribery was proven, critics view this as elite capture, where familial and economic ties align U.S. policy with Chinese interests, potentially compromising decisions on trade and infrastructure.

Wall Street’s entanglement with Chinese capital exemplifies how financial incentives can sway U.S. policy toward Beijing’s favor. Firms like BlackRock and Goldman Sachs have formed joint ventures with CCP-controlled banks, such as China Construction Bank and Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, granting them access to China’s $18 trillion wealth management market. A 2024 Coalition for a Prosperous America report detailed how these ventures, valued at billions, require ongoing CCP regulatory approval, creating leverage over Wall Street executives who lobby against U.S. tariffs and sanctions. For instance, BlackRock invested $1.9 billion in 2023 into PRC companies flagged for supporting military advancements allowing the CCP to capture Uyghur’s for body and organ harvesting, per a House Select Committee investigation. Goldman Sachs’ full ownership of its China securities venture in 2021 deepened ties, amid lobbying for relaxed export controls on semiconductors. This influence manifests in policy, as seen in delayed U.S. restrictions on outbound investments to China, potentially eroding American economic autonomy and national security.

In Hollywood, Chinese investments have led to pervasive self-censorship and content manipulation to appease Beijing, effectively buying influence over global narratives. Companies like Wanda Group, owned by billionaire Wang Jianlin with CCP ties, acquired AMC Theatres in 2012 for $2.6 billion and invested in studios like Legendary Entertainment, injecting billions into U.S. films. To access China’s box office—projected to surpass the U.S. by 2026—studios alter scripts: for example, “Top Gun: Maverick” removed Taiwan and Japan flags from Tom Cruise’s jacket in 2022 to avoid offending censors. A 2025 Atlantic Council report noted that films like “Doctor Strange” changed a character’s Tibetan origin to Celtic to evade bans on Tibetan independence themes. Tencent’s stakes in Warner Bros. and Universal further amplify this, with co-productions like “The Great Wall” glorifying Chinese history while downplaying U.S. roles. This economic leverage stifles criticism of CCP policies, such as in Xinjiang or Hong Kong, reshaping American cultural exports.

U.S. universities have become conduits for Chinese influence through undisclosed funding, joint research, and talent programs, often prioritizing financial gains over national security. A 2025 Washington Times report revealed over $530 million in unreported Chinese donations to elite schools like Harvard ($44 million) and Stanford, funding professorships and research that align with CCP goals. The House Select Committee found that U.S. taxpayers funded $300 million in NIH and DOD grants for projects co-authored with Chinese researchers on military tech like hypersonics and AI. Partnerships such as UC Berkeley’s Tsinghua-Berkeley Shenzhen Institute have transferred expertise in quantum computing to blacklisted entities. Confucius Institutes, rebranded after closures, continue soft influence, while the Thousand Talents Program recruits U.S. professors with multimillion-dollar incentives. This elite capture erodes academic freedom, as seen in self-censorship on Taiwan or Uyghur issues to protect funding streams.